Saturday, March 8, 2014

A Calculation: The ‘Orphan Crisis’ in Ethiopia

March 8, 2014 (Huffington Post) — A Unicef report states that in Ethiopia there are at this moment 4.5 million orphans on a population of some 90 million. The 4.5 million means that 5 percent of the total population is an orphan. Orphans are in Ethiopia defined as children under 18 whose both parents died. They died of AIDS, untreated illnesses, hunger, draught and war.
Ethiopia is one example of the many countries where a newly formed US Foreign Affairs agency will work if the Children in Families First (CHIFF) legislation is passed in congress. The law aims to connect these orphans through family reunification, domestic, kinship or inter country adoption. A great idea, because it stresses the importance of child welfare in dealing with what is called the world orphan crisis.
There is a lot of criticism on the law from adoptee organizations and individual adoptees, not only because they, who are in a certain way the subject of the bill, were not a party in the development of it, but also for many other reasons which are comprehensively described in an article in the Daily Kos. One of the concerns of the adoptees and their non-adopted supporters is that adoption regulations are loosened in an international adoption climate that asks right now for stronger regulations: child trafficking, baby stealing and corruption are rampant in the worldwide ‘adoption industry.’ Another argument is that the law, more than dealing with the problems of the orphans, essentially supports the interests of American families who want to adopt. DeLeith Duke Gossett of the University of Texas Tech University wrote among other things about that in an article for the Hawaii Law Review.
I think that the numbers support this last criticism. Elsewhere I calculated that the law can probably invest a maximum of 22.5 cents per orphan. The budget for Ethiopia through CHIFF for those four issues of family reunification, domestic, kinship or inter country adoption will be $1,012,500. Let us compare that to the planned Ethiopia investments of Unicef for 2014. It has for child protection $2,700,000 alone and with that money they think to reach 1.4 million kids. Next to that Unicef has budgeted more than $28,000,000 for food, healthcare, water, education and coordination. The CHIFF money is not very impressive in this context: a million for 4 million kids.
The comparison also shows that Unicef spends its money in coordination with other problems which children in Ethiopia are confronted with: hunger, health care and so forth. The CHIFF orphan seems to be an orphan with no other context than family, which is not only technically limited but also a rather foreign concept in big parts of the Ethiopian society. The idea that the American government would set up an organization in Ethiopia outside the international community is already unusual, but if that organization only has a budget of just over a million dollars we are nearing the realm of the ridiculous.
Americans adopt about 2,000 children annually from Ethiopia. If we calculate the median costs for each adoption at $46,000 (Adoptive Families, Winter 2014), then we have a total of $92,000,000, that is 92 times the sum CHIFF has available. Money talks, and money talks in many languages. In Ethiopia 78 percent of the population struggles with an income below $2 a day. So a bribe of $1,000 is a year’s income for many poor Ethiopians. If the adoption industry is not carefully regulated it will result in more adoption coercion, baby stealing, child trafficking and corruption.
CHIFF doesn’t address these difficult issues and focuses on the bright side of adoptions on their Facebook page. I don’t deny that there can be a bright side, but that brightness is, to put it mildly, severely dimmed by the darkness that broods underneath it.
Three more things about CHIFF. First mathematical: imagine CHIFF would pass congress and the new regulations would raise the total annual adoptions to 4,000 or 10,000 or even a million: the problem of the orphans in Ethiopia is not at all solved. To solve the ‘orphan crisis’ bigger and probably more economically painful measures have to be taken. Secondly the US has to do its work in a Foreign Affairs context. Third it must focus on the psychological aspect of adoption. If you were adopted from Ethiopia and at a certain point in life you would understand that your existence in the US depended on cheating out your first parents by a system that was supported and condoned by your by now home country, how would you feel about that country, your adoptive parents, the adoption industry? How would you feel about yourself and who you are?
Ethiopia is but one example of the many countries where the ‘orphan crisis’ plays out. There are, says the CHIFF website, 200,000,000 orphans. As in Ethiopia in all those other countries CHIFF will not make any difference in that crisis. It will make a difference for American families who want to adopt and who, sorry to say, don’t care about the origins of their child.
Source: Huffington Post

OMN Bitootessa 7 - Xiinxala du'a Obbo Alamaayyoo Atoomsaa

Friday, March 7, 2014

An Open Letter to Obbo Leenco Lata

An Open Letter to Obbo Leenco Lata

Posted: Bitootessa/March 7, 2014 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com |
By Malkaa Guutuu* | March 2014

My mother, who doesn’t have any formal education beyond grade six and happens to be of your generation, recently solicited my opinion regarding your imminent move to Finfinnee, perhaps thinking that I might be privy to some pertinent information. She sounded both perplexed and intrigued by the maneuver. Startled by the topic and overall insightfulness of our talk (because I didn’t think that my mother would be interested in this particular discussion given her general comportment), I asked her what motivated the unusual question and interest. It turns out that your upcoming relocation to the more tropical Shaggar has been a hot topic of discussion among her peers, some of whom happen to be non-Oromo.
There is no doubt that you are still capable of generating a significant buzz in the Ethiopian political arena. Although you remain a controversial figure among the Oromo (I will come back to this shortly), you have engendered what can only be described as mass hysteria in the Amhara camp, with some portraying you as the chief menace to their continuing, if diminishing, stranglehold on what is left of their fading empire, despite your Front’s unambiguously stated wishes to contribute to the building of a new country in which all the constituent parts have equitable stakes (a tall task). They dread your return to Ethiopia, perceiving it as part-II of your “evil scheme” to dismantle the country, with part-I being the role you are widely believed to have played in its re-organization in the present form in the early 1990′s.  The most recent interview the sitting Ethiopian Prime Minister gave to local journalists, in which he reiterated some inane talking points and sounded defensive, while discussing your Front’s potential entry into the Ethiopian political market, may also be cited as another evidence of your heft as a political figure.
On the other hand, your reputation among the vocal segment of the Oromo political class can only be described as incongruous at best: Your detractors hold you responsible for everything that has gone wrong with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), while your passionate admirers ascribe to you almost mythical qualities as a leader. For an objective observer who has followed the course of your political career, however, both characterizations are naive and miss the subtlety of Leenco the person.
From my vantage point, you are neither a modern-day Goobanaa some have portrayed you to be, nor a messiah of the Oromo people. You deserve our unreserved gratitude and admiration for dedicating your entire adult life to dismantling Abyssinian tyranny and promoting the Oromo cause, sacrificing so much and shouldering a burden that only a few can. There is no doubt in my mind that your contribution to our people’s legitimate cause will be deemed essential, when this chapter of Oromo history is written. Although I don’t necessarily subscribe to some of your political views, I have always appreciated your knack for synthesizing important political events and trajectories, particularly as they pertain to the Horn of Africa. However, I am as clear-eyed about your frailties (all-too-human), as well as your part in what we now know to be the most ruinous decision taken by the OLF leadership collectively in the early 1990′s – the encamping of our battle-tested fighters that you and a few others had painstakingly built up over the years, exposing them to the brutal enemy. Overall, however, you have been a credit to your people, and no ill-informed and boorish slanderer can change that.
The rendering of simplistic judgments on your very meaningful and complex political career is par-for-the-course for individuals who have consistently advocated, mostly from a safe distance, an either/or solution to the Oromo question, clearly misdiagnosing the Oromo problem, while the issues we are confronting as a nation demand nuanced and practical solutions that are both/and. The same characters who have largely been talking past each other about what is best for the Oromo (complete independence vs. a union of independent nations in Ethiopia), without thinking rigorously about how one gets at their preferred solutions, have been either defending you uncritically, or defaming you rather inexcusably.
I can’t say that I am as intrigued as my mother seems to be about your more recent political incarnation. If I sound a bit cynical, I have the political history of the Ethiopian empire to blame – history in which the Oromo people have made numerous genuine gestures to co-exist peacefully with the Abyssinians, but somehow found themselves on the losing end of the bargain time and again. I realize that you are much more familiar with the Abyssinian double-crossing than most people, not least because you were a party to the political deal that had brought the TPLF to power.
Therefore, I do not believe that the strategic route, which the Oromo Democratic Front/ODF (your brainchild, it appears) is taking, will, by itself, resolve the fundamental contradictions of the Ethiopian state, mainly because of the inherent incompatibility of the highly-autocratic and Machiavellian Abyssinian political culture (where the winner takes all), with the famously democratic Oromo political tradition, which emphasizes consensus building, give-and-take, and transparency. It would simply be naive to expect that a political dialogue with the Abyssinians as the primary political strategy will yield the necessary and fundamental change our people have been fighting for and deserve.  My strongly held view is that only a disciplined and well-coordinated armed-struggle will *guarantee* the freedom of our people from the ongoing Abyssinian tyranny.
Nevertheless, it would be unreasonable to discount any effort with a potential to empower the Oromo, even if marginally. I think the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) can make a worthy contribution to our cause, conditional on its vision being widely understood by the folks back home as one necessary piece of the puzzle, which requires all-hands-on-deck and thinking-outside-the-box, to resolve. The trick is to clearly communicate to the main stakeholders – the Oromo people – that ODF’s political program is just one of the existing, perhaps competing, visions for the Oromo by the Oromo, emphasizing that your goal is to empower the people, not to supplant other efforts exerted to cut the Gordian-Knot, which is the Ethiopian empire. If the focus is the former – and there are plenty of things your organization could potentially do to empower the Oromo  – your imminent entry into the TPLF-dominated Ethiopian political landscape might prove to be a wise undertaking after all.
What Can the ODF potentially do to Empower the Oromo?
The Amhara elites, who have been pushed out of almost all the key institutions in Finfinnee (the political capital where all the important decisions affecting the country are made) by the new czars from the de facto Tigray republic, appear to have understood very well the significance of staying in close proximity to Menelik’s palace – the single most important institution in the city (hence the country).  Using whatever little political leverage they could muster, they have been making the most noise in the capital, even coming close to pausing a real threat to the ruling party in the 2005 national elections. They are currently organized primarily under two political groups (ANDINET and BLUE), which have been successful in organizing demonstrations in the capital and beyond, opposing various government policy decisions affecting their kin, bringing sufficient light to the issues they care most about – in some cases forcing the current office holders to reverse their decisions. These seemingly minor achievements have had  the effect of putting the current regime on the defensive, while further emboldening the people they represent, creating a momentum of sort in their pursuit of their political goals.
With all due respect to Obbo Bulchaa Dammaqsaa and Professor Mararaa Guddinaa, and despite certain valiant efforts by Oromo university students in the past (e.g. demonstrations against the relocation of the capital of the Oromia State to Adaamaa), the Oromo have virtually no representation in their own political capital. The ruling party has taken numerous decisions with considerable adverse impacts on the Oromo; regrettably however, apart from the sporadic press releases and demonstrations by the Diaspora based Oromo organizations and communities, these decisions have virtually gone unopposed by the Oromo back home, making it easier for the ruling class to manipulate, abuse and exploit Oromo resources with an attitude of impunity. With an independent Oromo voice of your stature, political maturity and likely connections, we may have a shot at channeling some of our grave concerns in a systematic and organized fashion. We can’t afford to simply wait for a few brave men and women to march into Finfinnee to liberate us, while we are losing ground on so many fronts. I will just cite two broad areas that ought to concern every Oromo with an ounce of dignity and some idea of self-preservation.
We are losing ground, because there is a widespread and well-crafted ethnocide taking place around Finfinnee. Oromo farmers are systematically being evicted from their ancestral land at a frightening speed, with no legal recourse to boot. It took about a century for the Amhara elites to make the Oromo of Gullallee, Araadaa, Boolee, Kolfee, Yakka, etc. strangers in their own land. Nowadays, Abyssinians are openly bragging (in the name of development, of course) about the record speed at which the Oromo towns and villages of Sulultaa, Sabbataa, Sandaafaa, Labuu, are being cleansed of their Oromo identity and culture. The powers that be are even projecting – via carefully planted Trial Balloons – their ambition to annex more substantial Oromo land for their exurban project of the imperial city of Addis Ababa, which, if it were to come to pass, would no doubt effectively kill the idea of a contiguous and a unified Oromia, as it were. Putting aside their ambition, the damage that has already been inflicted in and around Finfinnee is too deep and will require a concerted effort to reverse. In my opinion, this is one area where ODF’s potential entry into the Ethiopian political market might make an immediate and lasting affirmative difference.
We are also losing ground, because Janjaweed like groups, armed and supported by the Ethiopian government (hence, the most powerful nations by extension), have been unleashed on our defenseless people at different times:  in Western Oromia by the Gumuz militia; in Eastern Oromia by the Ogadeni militia; in Southern Oromia by the Garri, Gabra & Burjii militias, with nary a consistent and unified opposition on our part. Going forward, I hope the newly-established independent Oromo voices – Oromia Media Network and Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation – will zero in on these and other blatant human rights violations perpetrated against our people; however, this might also be another issue your presence on the ground in Finfinnee might deal with for the benefit of our people.
I could go on and cite several other areas where the Oromo nation could use all the seasoned help it can get. Our ideologues are welcome to continue to engage in all sorts of rhetorical and puritanical debates till kingdom come regarding what is best for the Oromo, but we can ill-afford to stand idly-by and wait for a satisfactory resolution of their flowery arguments. We are faced with a determined and cunning regime that is pulling-all-the-stops in order to exploit Oromo human and natural resources, thereby endangering our continuing existence as a nation. With the potential presence in Finfinnee of the ODF – adequately staffed to engage in retail politics – there is a decent chance that some of the critical issues the Oromo people care about will come to the fore, ultimately benefitting the nation you have dearly loved and served, albeit with a record that includes some blemishes.
Your much talked about political maneuver thus comes with certain potential benefits for our people, but it is also fraught with pitfalls that demand your Front’s serious attention preemptively. In my next letter, I will attempt to outline what I consider to be the major risks associated with your move.
Thank you for serving our nation!
Sincerely,
Malkaa Guutuu
———————-
* Malkaa Guutuu can be reached at malkaa.guutuu@gmail.com.

Monday, March 3, 2014

OROMIA MEDIA NETWORK


Millions of Oromos now have the chance to enjoy quality media focusing on the needs and aspirations of the Oromo people. Join us Live! as we prepare to make history.








Barri Kan Kee Dabree Sirni Kan Kee Kute!


Dhiiroo hin saalfattuu
Jarri dhugaa haaltu
Arri kalee mitii
Kana addan beeytuu?
Kalee arra seetee
Kan akkatti xibaartu
Gowwaa hambaan qabne
Teessan tun maraatuu.
Gaafa gadaan keetii
Kan shubbisuu turte
Haalusa garaatiin
Funyaaniin dubbatte
Warra sammuun hin yaanne
Garaa misoomsitee
Barri kan kee dabree
Sirni kan kee kutee
Quba ciniinuudhaan
Amma sheenaa duutee?
Ha ha ha! Ajaa’ibuma tee
Hangamuu lallabdee
Walis yoo afeerte
Humaatuu hin tartu
Ifuma rakkiftee.
Nuti bar bash bashii
tokkoo lamaa mitii
Namuu qaruuxoomee
Hin callisu fitti
Ifumaaf xibaartuu
Hin qicannu gurratti
Sodaa takkan qabnu
Hanga wareegamuutti
Numa hin zammarre
Dachii teenyarratti
Diqaalaa ilma karaa keessaa
Kan hin beeyne haadhaaf abbaasaa
Ilma bakka-dhablee isa afaan xaasaa
Arra tanaan dhufee madaa nutti kaasaa..
Duula saba keenya
itti murruq goote
“Duula qulqulluudha”
Jechuudhaani yaamtee?
Isiniif qulqulluu
Nu yoom garaa nu baatee..
Abad hin geerartu
Numarra dhaabbattee!
Kan garaan nu madaa
Usnee ciniinnannee
Amma nu tuuyxanii
Daranuu laalanee
Mee waliif teenya gaa
Callisuun hin taanee,
Diina keenya guddaa
Kan dagatuu hin taane
Biyyaaf biyyoo teenyarratti
Numa hin faarsine!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Najiib Zannuun/Marsimoonaa

JAJJABOO SABAA

Joollee qacalee lammiin oomishatte
Jajjaboo sabaa tan eebbaan guddatte
Humna haarawaan garayyuu onnattee
Durat deemaa jirti gurmuun wal jaartee.

Dhaloonni qubee tan sodaa hin qabne
Fuul dura malee duubatti tan yaane
Hanga galii gartuu takka tan hifanne
Humna haarawa kishifii hin qabne
Qubee Generation jajjabaadhaa janne!

Isiniin boonnee nu gammachiiftanii
Jalqaba keessaniin guddoo hoojjattanii
Abdii saba bal'aa daawwitiin isinii
Jabaadhaa jabaadhaa! Gadaatu keessanii.

Jara if tuultu tan isinitti hinaaftu
Tan komattu, tan isin dura dhaabbattu
Karooraa fi kaayyoo warra faalleessitu
Gufuu fi hinaaftuu tan dubbii xibaartu,
Laagaatti arrabni irraa haa citu!

Biqilan xoolooyne xurree dammaqinaa
Jajjabaadhaa jannee isin jala yaanaa
Tanarraa gammannee hundinuu wal faanaa
Ammallee jabaadhaa nu isiniin boonnaa!!
________________________

~Najiib Zannuun